19Jan/24

Burundi President Stokes Fear Among LGBT People

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Burundi President Evariste Ndayishimiye addresses the U.N. General Assembly in New York City, September 21, 2023.
© 2023 Brendan McDermid/Reuters

In an ever-worsening climate for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in East Africa, Burundian president Évariste Ndayishimiye has added fuel to the fire. Speaking with journalists on December 29, he said, “if you want to attract a curse to the country, accept homosexuality,” and “it is better to take [LGBT people] to a stadium and stone them” because “that’s what they deserve.”

The reaction was swift. One LGBT activist in Burundi who requested anonymity told Human Rights Watch: “Very quickly, on social media networks, a thousand comments from [the president’s] supporters [emerged] with competing threats and calls for murder, each more atrocious than the last.” Many of the comments went further than the president, calling for even more violence and brutal punishments against LGBT people.

Days later the Burundian ambassador to Belgium issued a statement claiming the president’s remarks had been “misinterpreted.” The United States and European Union called on Burundi’s government to respect the rights of all Burundians, but stopped short of calling out the remarks for what they were: homophobic.

This type of fearmongering is not new in Burundi, where sexual relations between people of the same sex have been illegal since former president Pierre Nkurunziza signed a new criminal code into law in 2009. The law was a fierce blow to Burundi’s LGBT people, who had begun to come out and organize, albeit in small numbers, to demand their rights be respected.

The National Assembly’s human rights commission added the anti-homosexuality provision in the 2009 criminal code at the last minute, apparently under pressure from Nkurunziza, who made statements on television condemning homosexuality as a “curse.” His offices also telephoned lawmakers seeking to influence their votes.

The crackdown on LGBT rights, which is being felt across the region, risks getting worse amidst Burundi’s broader human rights crisis, including continuing political repression and restrictions on freedom of expression to maintain the ruling party’s control. Ndayishimiye, who presents himself as a progressive, rights-respecting leader, should be working to reverse this trend rather than stoking more fear and hatred.

18Jan/24

Rwanda: End Abuses Against Journalists

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Dieudonné Niyonsenga.
© Private

(Nairobi) – Rwandan authorities should release journalist Dieudonné Niyonsenga, also known as Cyuma Hassan, and urgently investigate serious torture allegations he has made and ensure his rights to freedom of expression, a fair trial and to freedom from torture and ill treatment are respected, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities’ failure to transparently account for the suspicious death of an investigative reporter, John Williams Ntwali one year ago has compounded Rwanda’s poor media freedom record.

“Harrowing accounts of torture in prison and failure to provide justice in the suspicious death of a leading investigative journalist set a somber start to the year for journalists in Rwanda,” said Lewis Mudge, Central Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Rwanda’s record on press freedom will most likely continue to worsen unless the judiciary starts to act independently and immediately releases journalists jailed in violation of their freedom of expression, and authorities stop targeting journalists altogether.”

With a wound on his forehead and reportedly looking frail, Niyonsenga told a Kigali court on January 10, 2024, that he is detained in a “hole” that often fills with water, without access to light, and is beaten frequently. He said his hearing and eyesight have become impaired due to his three-year long detention in “inhuman” conditions and beatings, according to court transcripts and the Voice of America’s reporting. International law strictly prohibits detention in inhuman or degrading conditions, and courts should not permit detention to continue in such conditions.

Niyonsenga, who is the owner of Ishema TV, and his driver, Fidèle Komezusenge, were first arrested in April 2020 after reporting on the impact of the Covid-19 guidelines on vulnerable populations, and were accused of forgery, impersonating journalists, and hindering public works. Both were acquitted on March 12, 2021, but the prosecution appealed the verdict and Niyonsenga was rearrested on November 11, 2021, after the High Court in Kigali reversed his acquittal. His case is now before the appeal court after he requested a review of his trial.

During Niyonsenga’s detention, Human Rights Watch has received multiple reports from people who saw wounds on his face and body, and said he spoke of frequent beatings. Though Niyonsenga and others have raised this treatment in court, to the best of Human Rights Watch’s knowledge, judicial authorities have not acted to investigate or end the abuse.

Niyonsenga and his lawyers also told the court that prison authorities confiscated documents relating to his trial. It is not the first time that Niyonsenga and other prisoners have raised such interference, which violates detainees’ fair trial rights. According to the court transcripts, Niyonsenga’s lawyers told the court that when they raised this issue with prison authorities, they were told that Niyonsenga does not have the right to access his documents. Confiscating defense documents is commonplace in cases deemed politically sensitive.

The combination of suspicious disappearances and deaths with the constant threat of arrest and prosecution are an effective way of ensuring that journalists in Rwanda practice self-censorship, Human Rights Watch said.

One year after Ntwali’s suspicious death, there has been no credible accounting of the alleged road accident that caused his death. Ntwali was one of the few journalists in Rwanda who reported on sensitive issues, including on prison conditions for jailed journalists and critics such as Niyonsenga.

On January 19, 2023, Rwanda police reported that Ntwali died in a road accident in Kimihurura, Kigali on January 18 at 2:50 a.m. and that the driver of the car involved in the collision had been arrested. In the weeks that followed, Rwandan authorities failed to provide the exact location of the alleged accident, any photo or video evidence, or detailed information on others involved in it. A hasty trial was held in the absence of independent observers – including journalists – and the driver was convicted of manslaughter and unintentional bodily harm.

The reasons why Ntwali’s death is suspicious are clear. He was regularly threatened and attacked in pro-government media and expressed fear for his safety to friends, fellow journalists, and Human Rights Watch researchers. Human Rights Watch received information that Ntwali was so worried for his safety that he was trying to leave the country.

The lack of details in the verdict suggests there was no effective investigation into Ntwali’s death, despite Rwanda’s legal obligation to conduct one. Considering the lack of transparency around the trial, scores of civil society organizations and media associations from across the globe reiterated the call on Rwandan authorities to allow an independent, impartial, and effective investigation. This has not happened.

In November 2021, the appeals court found Niyonsenga guilty of forgery, impersonation, hindering public works, and “humiliation of national authorities and persons in charge of public service.” The last charge, which was added during the appeal, is no longer a criminal offense in Rwanda. It was struck down from the 2018 Penal Code by the Supreme Court in 2019. A second appeal’s verdict maintained his seven-year sentence but overturned his conviction for humiliation of national authorities.

Although Rwanda is a party to the United Nations Convention against Torture, unlawful detention and torture are commonplace. Human Rights Watch frequently receives credible information from former prisoners about torture and ill treatment in Rwandan prisons, including Nyarugenge (Mageragere) prison in Kigali, where some have said they are being held in isolation and beaten.

In 2017, the UN Sub-Committee on the Prevention of Torture was forced to suspend and later, cancel its visit to Rwanda citing obstruction by the authorities and fear of reprisals against interviewees. It was the first time it had cancelled such a visit. Rwanda has also failed to submit its third periodic state report to the Committee against Torture, due since December 6, 2021, preventing its review by the Committee.

Rwanda’s regional and international partners should call on Rwanda to release all unjustly imprisoned journalists and critics and ensure that an effective investigation is conducted into Ntwali’s death.

In December 2023, the United Kingdom government introduced a new “Safety of Rwanda (Asylum and Immigration) Bill” to parliament and signed a treaty with Rwanda, to circumvent the Supreme Court’s November 15 ruling that Rwanda that is not a safe third country for the UK to send asylum seekers. The court drew attention to threats to Rwandans living in the UK as well as extrajudicial killings, deaths in custody, enforced disappearances, torture, and restrictions on media and political freedoms in Rwanda.

On December 28, Human Rights Watch made a submission to the UK International Agreements Committee on the UK Government’s Agreement with Rwanda detailing its concerns with the bill and treaty, and the overall plan to expel asylum seekers to Rwanda. The UK House of Commons voted in favor of the bill on January 17. The UK House of Lords will now consider the bill, and should reject it entirely while the government should abandon its Rwanda deal.

“The resounding silence and attempts to sugarcoat reality by Rwanda’s partners in the face of abuse has left many journalists feeling abandoned,” Mudge said. “If local voices in Rwanda have been silenced, regional and international voices need to rise in their place: the safety of other journalists in Rwanda depends on it.”

18Jan/24

US Lawmakers Should Protect Vaccination Mandates, Sex Ed in Schools

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© 2022 Laura Freeman for Human Rights Watch

Cervical cancer should be almost nonexistent, as it’s one of the most treatable and preventable cancers. However, women in the United States are still dying at alarming rates.

In 2009, the US Congress established January as Cervical Cancer Awareness Month. This month serves as a public health campaign to educate people who have a cervix about how to take care of it. This includes noticing signs of cervical cancer, getting a vaccination, and checking in with a gynecologist.

Most forms of cervical cancer are caused by human papillomavirus (HPV). The two strands of HPV that cause 75 percent of cervical cancers can be prevented through the HPV vaccine – a series of shots administered to people between the ages of 9 and 45. With such an effective solution, one might think cervical cancer was nothing to worry about and that our advocacy efforts should focus elsewhere.

US states like Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, where rates are especially high, prove otherwise. Also, because of legacies of anti-Blackness, systemic racism, discrimination, and inequitable healthcare services, Black people are disproportionately impacted by cervical cancer rates and deaths across the US.

Ensuring that healthcare is accessible and affordable – including the HPV vaccination – plays a pivotal role in addressing racial inequities around cervical cancer, including in who gets sick and who dies. But new risks need to be faced, too. This includes state lawmakers’ attacks on  and the growing anti-vaccination movement.

Some states want to end public school vaccination mandates. Although HPV vaccination is not among those required before children can enroll in public schools, raising awareness about the HPV vaccine is a key part of the advocacy around cervical cancer prevention. The “anti-vax” movement has the potential to set this work back.

If young people can’t receive sexual health education and vaccine information in schools, and if school mandates for vaccines are removed, the impact on cervical cancer rates could be devastating. This is why campaigns like Georgia’s Adolescent Power and Potential which call for legislation that would mandate sexual education and vaccination information in schools need our attention. Cervical cancer is highly preventable, and we should not allow lawmakers to strip these healthcare decisions from young people, including Black girls and youth.